Washington Post: Πως οι παγκόσμιοι ηγέτες εκμεταλλεύονται τον κορωνοϊό για δικό τους όφελος

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 Γράφει ο Σπύρος Ριζόπουλος

Το άρθρο της Washington Post

Κυρίαρχο θέμα σε κάθε πολιτική και κρατική ατζέντα αποτελεί η αντιμετώπιση της πανδημίας που προκαλείται από τον κορωνοϊό.

Η διάδοση του κορωνοϊού αυξάνεται ραγδαία και ανεξέλεγκτα, μολύνοντας πέρα από πολιτικούς ηγέτες, ακόμα και γιατρούς, πράγμα απίστευτα επικίνδυνο τη συγκεκριμένη χρονική στιγμή. Οι κυβερνήσεις σε όλο τον κόσμο εφαρμόζουν η μία μετά την άλλη πρωτόκολλα ασφαλείας προκειμένου να περικόψουν τα ταξίδια, ενώ δεν διστάζουν να εφαρμόζουν και τα lockdowns.

Σε κάθε περίπτωση σε μία τόσο δύσκολη συγκυρία είναι κομβικό οι πολιτικοί ηγέτες να λαμβάνουν μέτρα, αρκεί βέβαια να μην κάνουν χρήση της πανδημίας για ίδιον όφελος.

Πολλές αραβικές μοναρχίες και αυτοκρατορίες, συμπεριλαμβανομένων και εκείνων που υφίστανται σοβαρές πολιτικές πιέσεις, επικαλέστηκαν λόγους δημόσιας υγείας για να εξασφαλίσουν την ανακούφιση τους από μαζικές διαμαρτυρίες.

Ένα ευρύτατα επικριμένο προσωρινό καθεστώς στη Βολιβία ανέβαλε τις προγραμματισμένες εκλογές τον Μάιο ως μέρος μίας δέσμης μέτρων έκτακτης ανάγκης, συμπεριλαμβανομένης μιας εθνικής καραντίνας 14 ημερών. Από το Χονγκ Κονγκ έως την Ινδία προς τη Ρωσία, οι αρχές ανέφεραν τον κίνδυνο εξάπλωσης του κορωναϊού ως αιτία για τη διάσπαση αντικυβερνητικών διαδηλώσεων και τη συγκράτηση μεγάλων δημόσιων συγκεντρώσεων.

Η διαχείριση κρίσεων, όπως και ο πόλεμος, είναι η πολιτική με άλλα μέσα. Το πιο εντυπωσιακό παράδειγμα αυτού του δικαιώματος τώρα μπορεί να είναι το Ισραήλ. Την περασμένη εβδομάδα, ο πρωθυπουργός Μπέντζαμιν Νετανιάχου επηρέασε με τον τρόπο του ένα εύθραυστο υπουργείο Δικαιοσύνης να αναβάλει την καταδίκη του στις κατηγορίες διαφθοράς που τον βαραίνουν.

Την ίδια ώρα βέβαια οι χειρισμοί που επιφέρει μία κρίση σαν τον κορωνοϊό έχει παγώσει τη δημιουργία της νέας κυβέρνησης του Ισραήλ. Η απουσία μιας λειτουργικής κυβέρνησης εμπόδισε το νεοεκλεγμένο κοινοβούλιο της χώρας να προωθήσει μια νομοθεσία που θα μπορούσε να εμποδίσει έναν κατηγορούμενο πολιτικό όπως τον Νετανιάχου από το να λάβει το αξίωμα του πρωθυπουργού.

Ένας φιλελεύθερος σύμμαχος του Ισραηλινού ηγέτη, ο πρωθυπουργός της Ουγγαρίας, Βίκτορ Ορμπάν, ασκεί επίσης τις νέες του αρμοδιότητες, που το δόθηκαν με στόχο την λήψη πολιτικών μέτρων για την πρόληψη και περιορισμό του κορωνοϊού. Παρόλα αυτά, με τις ενισχυμένες αρμοδιότητες του ο Όρμπαν και η εθνικιστική κυβέρνησή του επέκτειναν έναν νόμο έκτακτης ανάγκης με νέες διατάξεις που θα μπορούσαν ενδεχομένως να χρησιμοποιηθούν για την ποινικοποίηση του Τύπου.

Φυσικά από την ασθένεια που περιγράφεται μέσα σε αυτές τις γραμμές, δεν ξεφεύγουν ούτε οι Ηνωμένες Πολιτείες. Οι σύμβουλοι του Προέδρου Τραμπ αναζητούν ήδη παραθυράκια που θα επιτρέψουν στον Πρόεδρο να αποκτήσεις πρόσβαση σε εξουσίες έκτακτη ανάγκης, συμπεριλαμβανομένων διατάξεων που να δίνει στους δικαστές την δυνατότητα να κρατούν τους ανθρώπους επ ‘αόριστον. Κάτι τέτοιο φυσικά είναι απίθανο να γίνει δεκτό από το Κογκρέσο.

Αν και οι ανησυχίες για τη δημόσια υγεία παραμένουν υψίστης σημασίας, οι αναλυτές προειδοποιούν όλο και περισσότερο για τον κίνδυνο της διάβρωσης του κράτους δικαίου. Σε επιστολή που δόθηκε στο φως της δημοσιότητας την περασμένη εβδομάδα, μια ομάδα εμπειρογνωμόνων των Ηνωμένων Εθνών για τα ανθρώπινα δικαιώματα και ειδικοί εισηγητές έστειλαν μια υπενθύμιση στις κυβερνήσεις ότι «όλες οι επείγουσες αντιδράσεις στον κορωνοϊό πρέπει να είναι μετρημένες, αναγκαίες και αμερόληπτες».

Οι δικές μου σκέψεις, οι… δικοί μου ηγέτες

Εκμεταλλευόμενος το εξαιρετικό άρθρο του Ishaan Tharoor θα ήθελα να προσθέσω ορισμένες δικές μου σκέψεις, εστιάζοντας σε μερικούς ηγέτες ακόμη.

Ξεκινώ με τον Κινέζο πρόεδρο ο οποίος λειτουργώντας με αποφασιστικότητα και δυναμισμό κατάφερε σε απίστευτο χρόνο ρεκόρ να βγει από το σκοτεινό τούνελ και τώρα σχεδιάζει την παγκόσμια οικονομική του αντεπίθεση, με τη «διπλωματία της μάσκας», προσαρμοζόμενος στα νέα δεδομένα.

Εκεί, δηλαδή, που τον «άγχωνε» η παγκόσμια εξάπλωση της Κίνας με επενδύσεις σε λιμάνια, σιδηροδρόμους και τεχνολογία λύνει το πρόβλημα της παγκόσμιας διείσδυσης της Κίνας στην παγκόσμια κοινότητα αποκτώντας πρωταγωνιστικό ρόλο παράγοντας και στέλνοντας μάσκες σε όλο τον κόσμο, ενώ το πρώτο χρονικό διάστημα ζητούσε να εισάγει αυτός.

Δεύτερος ο πρωθυπουργός της Μεγάλης Βρετανίας Μπόρις Τζόνσον ο οποίος ανεξάρτητα από το αν αναγκάστηκε τελικά να αλλάξει στάση προσπαθεί με κάθε τρόπο να μην αποκαλεί τον κορωνοϊό πανδημία γιατί έχει ήδη αποφασίσει ότι ο covid-19 είναι ένα «εργαλείο» ανταγωνισμού απέναντι στην Ευρωπαϊκή Ένωση. Υπολογίζει ότι αν η οικονομία της Αγγλίας μείνει όρθια θα λειτουργήσει πολύ ανταγωνιστικά απέναντι στην ΕΕ, στην μετά brexit εποχή, καθώς η Ευρώπη ακόμη και σήμερα μέσα στον «χαμό» δεν μπορεί να συμφωνήσει για ένα ομόλογο κατά του κορωνοϊού που είναι και το καλύτερο άλλοθι για να τυπώσει φρέσκο χρήμα που έχει ανάγκη η οικονομία των κρατών μελών.

Αντίστοιχη του Μπόρις Τζόνσον είναι και η περίπτωση του προέδρου των ΗΠΑ Ντόναλντ Τραμπ ο οποίος σέρνοντας και τους Δημοκρατικούς -που δεν θέλουν να μείνουν εκτός, λόγω των επικείμενων εκλογών- στη συζήτηση για να τυπώσει χρήμα, σχεδόν 3 τρισ. δολάρια, προκειμένου να κερδίσει τις εντυπώσεις και να αντιστρέψει το κλίμα λόγω της καθυστερημένης του αντίδρασης στην πανδημία.

Τέλος, αυτός που έχει μεγάλο ενδιαφέρον να δούμε πως θα αξιοποιήσει την κρίση είναι ο Κυριάκος Μητσοτάκης. Έχει τη δυνατότητα -με την απίστευτη ρευστότητα που έχει εξασφαλίσει λόγω της συγκυρίας, από το πρόγραμμα ποσοτικής χαλάρωσης, από την άρση της υποχρέωσης των πλεονασμάτων και από το περίφημο μαξιλάρι που κληρονόμησε από τον ΣΥΡΙΖΑ (και μόνο εκείνος ξέρει πόσο πραγματικά είναι)- να κρατήσει όρθια την οικονομία  και να τη διαμορφώσει σε ένα επίπεδο που να θυμίζει τη δεκαετία του 90. Παράλληλα, να χτίσει το κράτος από την αρχή και μάλιστα σε ένα σύντομο διάστημα 6 μηνών έως ένα έτος -όσο κρατάει η ψυχολογική πίεση του κορωνοϊού- αξιοποιώντας και την κατανόηση των πολιτών ότι το μέλλον είναι η τεχνολογία και κάνοντας καινοτομίες τις οποίες οποιαδήποτε κυβέρνηση δεν θα μπορούσε να έχει κάνει από τη μεταπολίτευση και μετά.

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